DeWayne Wickham recently penned a piece lamenting the number of black children killed as the result of gun violence. During his reflection, he set the foundation for the need for more gun control by acknowledging the deaths of both Trayvon Martin, the Florida teenager killed by George Zimmerman, and Hadiya Pendleton, an innocent victim who was recently killed in a case of mistaken identity by gang members on the South Side of Chicago.
Though Wickham’s point that gun violence among black children being pandemic is well taken, he neglected to properly label the reasons for such violence. He also doesn’t go far enough in detailing who’s responsible for this pandemic. Mr. Wickham did make mention of it, but almost in passing- that the overwhelming majority of the deaths of the black victims come at the hands of other blacks. That’s the first issue.
The death of Martin, though sad and unfortunate- especially for his family- does little to advance the case for increasing gun laws to reduce violence. Martin was as much a victim of his bad judgment, and the profile set by the previous eight burglars, as he was of Zimmerman’s gun.
The Pendleton case, however, may provide cause.
When citing FBI statistics regarding the number of black deaths, Wickham didn’t note that the majority of those deaths came at the hands of other blacks. Using the same FBI statistics cited by Wickham, of the 2,938 murder offenders in 2011, 1803 were black.
The total number of black murders regardless of age in 2011 was 2695. Of that number, 2447 were committed by blacks.
According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, of all homicides committed between 1980 and 2008, 47.4 percent of the victims were black while 52.5 percent of all offenders were black. Of all felony murders during the same time period, blacks accounted for 44.1 percent of those murdered while accounting for 59.9 percent of the offenders. Blacks accounted for 56.9 percent of all gun homicides.
Any serious mention of protecting black children from violent crime has to include a sincere effort in assigning blame to the causes of crime, along with effective methods to reduce it. Wickham uses a false argument to justify his blame for violent crime by condemning “those who want more prisons, not better schools…” He also blames Congress for kowtowing to the NRA.
This undermines his concern for black youth by appearing disingenuous. Who, specifically, wants more prisons and not better schools? What specifically does the NRA have to do with black gang members on Chicago’s South Side who shot Pendleton with their illegally-obtained guns?
I don’t doubt Mr. Wickham’s sincerity regarding black youth. But if the obligation to confront this problem belongs to “all of us” as he claims, then it’s our responsibility to point the finger directly at who and what is responsible.
First, some of the cities with the harshest gun laws also have the highest rates of black-on-black gun violence. This is no coincidence.
Second, Wickham is right: America’s children need to be protected from gun violence, but not necessarily with more gun laws. Restrictive gun laws punish only those who follow the law, not those who don’t. This is precisely why we call lawbreakers criminals. No matter how many (more) laws are created with the intention of reducing gun violence, criminals by definition will disregard these laws, knowing that their potential victims will be increasingly defenseless.
We should consistently and effectively prosecute lawbreakers with stiffer prison sentences, not constrain the law-abiding.
Third, and most importantly, Wickham makes absolutely no mention of the fact that the disproportionate numbers of gun violence that victimizes blacks, committed by other blacks, are from fatherless households. That’s the second and most crucial issue.
Seventy percent of black children are born out of wedlock, and roughly 60 percent live in homes without fathers. This sad reality should motivate state and federal governments as well as local communities- especially churches and other religious organizations- to encourage blacks to get and stay married. Children from households where a mother and father are present are less likely to engage in violent behavior, including gangs.
A number of social pathologies have been attributed to those who come from fatherless homes, including juvenile delinquency, youths in prison, youth drug use, high school dropouts, behavioral issues, and trouble dealing with authority. Nowhere is this more prevalent than among black children.
Mr. Wickham and I agree that gun violence is a detriment to black youth; we simply disagree with whom and what receives blame. If we want to reduce gun violence, especially in the inner cities, we have to change and redeem the cultural values that foster it. This begins with recreating and redeeming the black family.




Emotional Embrace Of Same-Sex Marriage
This has been another eventful month regarding the national conversation surrounding same-sex marriage (SSM). Last week, Ohio senator Rob Portman had a “change of heart,” coming out in support of SSM as a result of his son’s recent confession of being gay.
This week, former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and famed, former mega-pastor Rob Bell both came out in support of gay marriage. Clinton, preparing for a presidential run in 2016, justified her position by saying that “gay rights are human rights” and adding “I believe America is at its best when we champion the freedom and dignity of every human being.” For her, this includes marriage.
Bell, who is in the midst of his book tour said on Sunday at San Francisco’s Grace Cathedral: “I am for marriage. I am for fidelity. I am for love, whether it’s a man and woman, a woman and a woman, a man and a man. I think the ship has sailed and I think the church needs — I think this is the world we are living in and we need to affirm people wherever they are.”
And let’s not forget the Justice Department’s amicus curia brief asking the Supreme Court to strike down Proposition 8, California’s ban on SSM.
Though I don’t support SSM, I think that SSM advocates will see the legal affirmation of the gay lifestyle, and marriage will be redefined. I believe this because the case against SSM hasn’t been made consistently enough to turn the tide.
In all the back and forth on the topic, there are several issues that seem to be purposely overlooked and not discussed when the topic is raised.
At the outset, most agree that the topic of SSM is an emotional one. It’s emotional for those who happen to be gay and who desire to be married. It’s emotional for those who have friends or loved ones who are gay and want them to be “accepted”- part of that acceptance is having the opportunity to be married. It’s also emotional for those who, though they may have friends and loved ones who are gay, still hold to the understanding that marriage is a union between a man and a woman. Further still, it’s emotional for those who struggle to remain faithful to their religious worldview that impacts their understanding of marriage.
It’s precisely because of emotionalism that reason hasn’t prevailed.
The one issue that’s repeatedly raised when discussing SSM is the notion of “rights.” Advocates of SSM argue that marriage is a basic “right” that is denied to gays and, as such, is illegal. Therefore, in the interest of fairness, marriage (by law) should be extended to gays in the same way that it is extended to non-gays.
This sounds convincing. To deny a basic right to one group of people while extending it to another group of people is wrong and discriminatory. And if that’s what the law does, it should be rescinded.
But that isn’t what the law does. First, marriage isn’t a “right.” It’s a civil institution that all societies in history have used and have recognized as the best way to legitimize, protect, and raise children as well as to solidify familial and political connections.
Second, the law doesn’t deny basic “rights” to a particular group unfairly. When the law defines and recognizes marriage as a union between a man and a woman, it doesn’t exclude any gay person from marrying. The law treats non-gay people the exact same way it treats gay people in regards to marriage: both are prohibited from marrying a person of the same sex. This means that under the law, a gay person would have to marry the same way everyone else in society has to marry – someone of the opposite sex. As it relates to all unmarried persons in America, the law is extended equally and doesn’t discriminate based upon sexual preference.
Furthermore, there is no “right” to marry- civil or otherwise- found in the Constitution. Every single time a person or court claims the denial of the “right” to marry is “unconstitutional,” they’re lying. The Constitution says exactly nothing about SSM. When this claim is offered as a defense of SSM, as is currently being done before the Supreme Court, it’s legally unfounded.
Consequently, when gay advocates and gays assert that legal refusal to marry someone of the same sex is a denial of rights that exists for everyone else, it simply isn’t true. What they’re actually claiming is a new “right” that doesn’t exist anywhere for anyone regardless of orientation- the right to marry someone of the same sex. The “right” for a person to marry someone of the same sex has been denied to everyone.
Another claim that’s continually offered is that people should be allowed to marry whom they love, especially if they’re consenting adults. Unfortunately, this also isn’t credibly defensible, and here’s why. Technically, gays can marry other gays. These ceremonies happen all the time. Numerous clergy members of varying religions are more than willing to perform these ceremonies. The only thing that the newly married won’t receive is governmental and societal affirmation and recognition of being “married.”
But if SSM is legalized, how can that law be defended when society arbitrarily moves the discriminatory lines of separation, and how is it justified? If it’s okay for gays to marry other gays because of love and consent, why don’t we allow/legalize polygamy when the parties involved are in love and consenting? Why not aunts and nephews or uncles and nieces when the same requirements of love and consent are present? If it’s discrimination against gays, why wouldn’t it be discrimination against these other parties if SSM is legalized? And if it is discrimination, how is it justified in light of the qualifications that are used in favor of homosexual marriage? If we’re to be intellectually honest, legalizing SSM means legalizing a number of other relationships based on the same criteria used for homosexual marriage.
In the end, the law doesn’t take into consideration love when defining marriage- and rightly so. If it did, the relationships above would have to be legalized, normalized, and accepted as equal.
Yet another claim SSM advocates use for legalizing SSM is to claim it’s a “civil rights issue.” To equate the struggle of gays to selfishly redefine marriage with the struggles that black Americans underwent to gain civil rights undermines their argument because it trivializes the misery and misfortune blacks suffered through to gain the level of acceptance that exists today. There are no “gay only” bathrooms, drinking faucets, or entrances; gays aren’t relegated to sitting in the back of the bus or forced to say “yes sir” and “no ma’am” to their non-gay equivalents. There is no gay equivalent to Jim Crow laws; gays aren’t having fire hoses or dogs used on them merely because they’re gay – and thank God for that. So the similarity falls short.
Rob Portman, Hillary Clinton, and Rob Bell have compassion for gays and rightly so. But to radically redefine an institution that has existed for all of human history and sacrificing reason for sympathy- while forfeiting responsibility for the repercussions-is cowardly and transparent.
Photo credit: khalid Albaih (Creative Commons)